2.3.2.1. Basic order in the different types of sentence
In LIS polar questions, the order of constituents is the same as in declarative sentences. Polar questions only differ from declaratives for the presence of specific non-manuals spreading over the whole sentence (SYNTAX 1.2.1.2). An example of a polar question is provided below.
y/n
ix2 lis be_familiar
‘Do you know LIS?’
In LIS, wh-questions (SYNTAX 1.2.3), on the other hand, the argument or adjunct constituent represented by the wh-phrase, is produced at the end of the sentence, after the verb, aspectual marker, modals and negation, as in the following examples.
wh
contract put_signature who
‘Who signed the contract?’
The following is an example of a wh-question displaying a sign of negation.
wh
ix2 understand not what
‘What don’t you get?’
The following are three examples of wh-questions containing a modal sign.
wh
a. ix2 buy must qartichoke
‘What do you have to buy?’
wh
b. ix2 eat can qartichoke
‘What can you eat?’
wh
c. evening today ix2 film see want qartichoke
‘What film do you want to watch this evening?’
In the following sentence we can find an example showing the position of a wh-element with respect to the aspectual marker done.
wh
ix2 book read done which
‘Which book did you read?’
The following example shows the distribution of the wh-element and the aspectual marker to_be_done.
wh
ix2 trip to_be_done where
‘Where will you be travelling?’
As for exclamative sentences (SYNTAX 1.4), in LIS the order is the same that we find in declarative sentences. The only difference lies in different non-manual marking which, in the following sentence, is raised eyebrows.
re
gianni arrive
‘Gianni has arrived!’
As far as imperative sentences are concerned (SYNTAX1.3), positive imperative sentences are characterized by a specific sign, glossed palm_up. This sign, which can be considered a manual marker of imperative sentences, immediately follows the verb. palm_up can occur with many different uses within the imperative modality. In this sense, it is not a pragmatic marker of command, but a grammatical marker of the imperative verb. palm_up occurs in the final position of the imperative sentence.
fe
2take3 palm_up
‘Take it!’
Just like palm_up, another sign occupies the postverbal position in imperative sentences: the sign movimp. movimp occurs in LIS imperative sentences when the addressee must move to a different position to obey a command. The signs palm_up and movimp can never co-occur in the same imperative sentence.
fe
sleep movimp
‘Go to sleep!’
In both types of imperatives, null subjects seem to be the preferred option.
There are specific non-manual markers for the various types of imperative sentences. The spreading domain of non-manual markers refers to their extension over the manual signs they co-occur with. The non-manual markers for the imperatives are not limited to the signs palm_up or movimp (when present), but extend over the verb and its arguments.
As for negative orders, there are differences with respect to positive imperatives. Negative imperatives employ a manual sign for negation, very similar to the sign not used in negative sentences, but different in its movement and non-manual marking (SYNTAX 1.3.6). In negative imperatives, the negative sign occupies a post-verbal position. Manual signs conveying the imperative, such as the palm_up sign or the movimp sign are incompatible with negation. An example of a negative imperative is the following.
fe hs
eat no
‘Don’t eat!’
This project has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant Agreement No 693349.