A Grammar of Italian Sign Language (LIS)

The organisation of the signing space (PRAGMATICS 8) in LIS is highly connected with grammar. Indeed, some constructions capitalize on space to convey precise syntactic meanings. To illustrate, we discuss how three different linguistic phenomena affect the use of the signing space: involvement of multiple discourse referents (PRAGMATICS 1), subordination (SYNTAX 3.2), and contrastive focus (PRAGMATICS 4.1.3).

            When two or more referents are involved in a signing production, they can be distinguished on the basis of the spatial locations they are associated with. In the LIS example below, the signer associates a location on the left side in space with the referent ‘Maria’ and a location on the right side in space with the referent ‘Gianni’.

 

 

 

            today ix₁ maria_a gianni_b ix_{1 1}meet_{a 1}meet_b done

            ‘Today I met Maria and Gianni.’

 

In this example, the referent-location association is realised by leftward and rightward body lean, but it could also be signalled by pointing signs directed toward the relevant locations in space. The locations a and b are relevant to verb agreement: the inherently reciprocal verb meet agrees with first person and the location on the left to express the meaning ‘I meet Maria’ and it agrees with first person and the location on the right to express the meaning ‘I meet Gianni’.

            Another linguistic context in which a larger spatial area is likely to be used is subordination. To illustrate, we consider a simple declarative sentence like (a) and a more complex sentence involving subordination like (b).

 

            a.         piero_a contract sign          

            ‘Piero signed the contract.’

 

            b.         gianni_a say piero_b contract sign 

            ‘Gianni said that Piero signed the contract.’ (based on Geraci & Aristodemo, 2016: 104)

 

To compare the two sentences in terms of use of space, we show below the spatial location of the referent signing the contract (piero) in each sentence.

 

            

            a.         piero_a (subject of the matrix sentence)

 

            

            b.         piero_b (subject of the subordinated sentence)

 

In the declarative sentence (a), the sign piero is articulated in a, i.e. an ipsilateral point in space, the default location devoted to subjects in LIS. In the sentence involving subordination (b), this ipsilateral location is already occupied by the subject of the main clause (gianni), therefore it is not available to the subject of the subordinated clause piero. The clause embedded under the verb of saying requires additional space to accommodate the referent piero, which is then located in b, a point in the contralateral area.

            Contrastive focus is another syntactic construction in LIS that imposes a marked organisation of the signing space. Imagine that someone says that a kid likes tomatoes, but this is untrue according to someone else. A plausible remark containing contrastive focus is provided below.

 

            no. carrot ix_a (ix₃) like red^SASS(curved open L): ‘round’_b (ix₃) like.not

            ‘No, he likes CARROTS, not tomatoes.’

 

To contrast the two types of referents involved (carrots and tomatoes), the signer is likely to locate them in two distant locations in space, a and b.

 

               

            a.         carrot          ix_a

            ‘Carrots’

 

             

            b.         red^SASS(curved open L): ‘round’_b

            ‘Tomatoes’

 

In this case, the sign carrot is located in a, i.e. a contralateral point in space, through a pointing sign. In contrast, the compound sign red^SASS(curved open L): ‘round’ (MORPHOLOGY 5.2) is localised in b, i.e. an ipsilateral point in space.