A Grammar of Sign Language of the Netherlands (NGT)

2.1.1. Syllable

In the sign language literature, it is commonly assumed that movement – either path movement or secondary movement (see PHONOLOGY 1.3) – constitutes the nucleus of the syllable, i.e., movement makes up the syllable. A prototypical monosyllabic sign is, for instance, the noun feeling (Figure 2.39).This sign has a clear path movement in which the dominant hand makes a circling movement on the ches


Figure 2.39. The sign feeling (Crasborn et al. 2020, symbols added)

.

 

The number of syllables of a sign is equal to the number of sequential path movements. Thus, a repeated secondary movement does not count as a sequential movement, which makes the verb type (Figure 2.40), which contains repeated finger wiggling, also monosyllabic:

 

Figure 2.40. The sign type (Crasborn et al. 2020, symbols added).

 

When a syllable consists of two simultaneous movements (i.e., a path and secondary movement combined), it constitutes a heavy syllable, whereas a single movement counts as a light syllable. The signs feeling and type are thus made up of a single light syllable. In contrast, the verb throw (Figure 2.41) consists of a single heavy syllable, as a path movement and a handshape change are combined:

 

 

Figure 2.41. Start and end configuration of the sign throw (Crasborn et al. 2020).

 

The noun table (Figure 2.42), on the other hand, is disyllabic, since it contains first a horizontal path movement followed by a vertical path movement:

  

Figure 2.42. The disyllabic sign table (Crasborn et al. 2020, symbols added).

 

Disyllabic signs can be compressed to monosyllabic signs due to fast signing or to compounding processes. This phenomenon is paid attention to in PHONOLOGY 3.2.2 in the next chapter.

Syllables in NGT generally adhere to three constraints: the movement complexity constraint, the selected finger constraint, and the one location constraint. While these well-formedness constraints by themselves are not strictly prosodic in nature, we discuss them here, as they hold at the level of the syllable, a prosodic domain. According to the movement complexity constraint, heavy syllables consist of the combination of a path movement and a secondary movement, and not of two secondary movements (see also PHONOLOGY 1.3). The sign for the month march (Figure 2.43), for example, obeys this rule. The sign includes an articulator-internal movement in which the handshape changes from  to   and a path movement in which the hands move outwards; therefore, it is a monosyllabic sign with a heavy syllable.

 

Figure 2.43. Start and end configuration of the sign march (Crasborn et al. 2020).

 

There are, however, exceptions to this rule, namely signs in which two articulator-internal movements are combined: for example, the sign for internet (Figure 2.44a, also mentioned in PHONOLOGY 1.3.2) and the sign for ambulance (Figure 2.44b). Both signs consist of a rotation of the lower arm combined with the opening of the (initially closed) hand.

 

 

a. internet

b. ambulance

 

Figure 2.44. Start and end configuration of the signs internet (a) and ambulance (b).

 

According to the selected finger constraint, the selected fingers must not change within the syllable. In other words, while it is possible, for example, to change the orientation or aperture of the selected fingers, the fingers that are selected for the handshape configuration will remain the same. Since this is a constraint at the syllable level, NGT signs with multiple syllables do not necessarily comply with this constraint. In addition, signs that involve handshapes from the manual alphabet or counting system may also violate the constraint, but these are considered non-native signs  see PHONOLOGY 1.1.3). Compare the native monosyllabic sign email in Figure 2.45a, which dheres to the selected finger constraint, to the non-native initialized sign blue  in Figure 2.45b, which does not:

 

a. email

b. blue

 

Figure 2.45. Start and end configuration of the signs email (a) and blue (b).

 

In the two-handed sign email, the start configuration of the hands involves the selected index finger that touches the thumb, while the palms of the hands face each other. The end configuration still has the same fingers selected, and the same orientation, although now the index finger is extended and does not touch the thumb anymore. Thus, the aperture changes from closed to open. The sign blue, however, consists of a sequence of two fingerspelled letters, namely b and l. The start configuration has all fingers selected and is oriented towards the addressee for the letter sign b, while the l selects only the index finger (and thumb) and has the palm facing the signer. Note how this sign also violates the movement complexity constraint, as there are two articulator-internal movements. Important is that the sign blue is clearly based on manual representations of the Dutch word blauw (‘blue’), and is therefore not considered part of the native lexicon.

 

As for the one location constraint, first described by Battison, movement within the syllable is only possible within one location (or main area); for more on locations, see PHONOLOGY 1.2). See, for example, the sign sleep_over in Figure 2.46, in which the hand moves from one sublocation (or setting), namely the cheekbone, to another sublocation, namely next to the mouth, but stays within the main area of the head.

 

Figure 2.46. The sign sleep_over (Crasborn et al. 2020, symbols added).

 

However, there are a number of signs in which the movement goes from one main area to another – thus violating the one location constraint. Firstly, a few signs start at the back of the hand and follow a path movement along the arm, and thus combine the two main locations hand and arm. Examples of signs in which this happens are ladybug, see Figure 2.47), thick_skinned, goosebumps, and electricity. Another exception, which moves in the other direction and starts at the arm but ends near the fingertips, is iguana. This could either mean that in NGT, this constraint is not as strict, at least not for these areas, or it could provide an argument for analyzing the back of the weak hand as part of the arm, in terms of main areas.

 

Figure 2.47. The sign ladybug.

 

Secondly, there are signs in which the hand touches both the head and the torso. This combination can be observed in the sign pitiful, shown in Figure 2.48, which starts at the chin and ends at the breast.

 

 

Figure 2.48. The sign pitiful (Crasborn et al. 2020, symbols added).

 

 

List of editors

Ulrika Klomp & Roland Pfau
(note: this grammar is still under construction)

Copyright info

© 2021 Ulrika Klomp & Roland Pfau

Bibliographical reference for citation

The entire grammar:
Klomp, Ulrika and Roland Pfau (eds.). 2020. A Grammar of Sign Language of the Netherlands (NGT). 1st ed. (SIGN-HUB Sign Language Grammar Series). (http://sign-hub.eu/grammars/...) (Accessed 31-10-2021)

A Chapter:
Smith, Mary. 2020. Syntax: 3. Coordination and Subordination. In Branchini, Chiara and Lara Mantovan (eds.), A Grammar of Italian Sign Language (LIS). 1st ed. (SIGN-HUB Sign Language Grammar Series), 230-237. ((http://sign-hub.eu/grammars/...) (Accessed 31-10-2021)

A Section:
Smith, Mary. 2020. Phonology: 1.1.1.2. Finger configuration. In Mary, Smith, Ben Smith and Carlo Smith (eds.), A Grammar of Catalan Sign Language (LSC). 1st ed. (SIGN-HUB Sign Language Grammar Series), 230-237. (http://sign-hub.eu/grammars/...) (Accessed 31-10-2021)

Smith, Mary. 2020. Syntax: 3.1.2.1.3. Manual markers in disjunctive coordination. In Mary, Smith, Ben Smith and Carlo Smith (eds.), A Grammar of Catalan Sign Language (LSC). 1st edn. (SIGN-HUB Sign Language Grammar Series), 230-237. (http://sign-hub.eu/grammars/...) (Accessed 31-10-2021)

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